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Some Observations of Handloom Weavers in Glasgow 1790-1830

The Textile Trade In Scotland in General

Before the American War of Independence, the tobacco trade had been a major source of wealth in Scotland (contributing largely to Glasgow’s growth). Subsequently the Americans could sell freely anywhere, resulting in a substantial decrease in Scotland’s trade. This resulted in investment being diverted into cotton, and this industry dominated Scotland’s economy for the next hundred years.

The factory-based textile industries were concentrated into different areas.

  • The cotton industry was based mainly in Lanarkshire and Renfrewshire.
  • The woollen industry developed mainly in Roxburghshire and Selkirkshire but with significant activity in Perthshire and Stirlingshire; until the late 20th century the Border towns of Galashiels, Hawick, Jedburgh and Selkirk were largely dependent on their woollen mills.
  • The linen industry was based mainly in Fife and Forfarshire, Dundee becoming its centre, with nearly 50,000 people being employed by 1861 in the city and its surroundings, in mills at at hand-looms. Other areas with significant linen manufacturing were Kincardineshire, Perthshire, and Midlothian.
  • The silk industry was quite small employing under a thousand people, mainly in Paisley. Paisley’s main textile businesses by the middle of the 19th century were the production of its famous shawls and of cotton thread.

The Golden Age of Scottish Handloom Weaving

In 1770, earnings for weavers were not particularly high, but they grew rapidly in the next twenty years, as the factory production of cotton yarn exploded and along with it the demand for weavers. The invention of the Cotton Gin by Eli Whitney in 1793 made raw cotton much cheaper and Glasgow, already a major centre for the linen industry adapted to cotton.

The invention of machine spinning led to a huge supply of cheap yarn. The demand for weavers shot up. Some of the more important innovations in the textile spinning trade that massively increased the amount of yarn produced, and thus increased the demand for weavers, were the Flying Shuttle in 1733, the Spinning Jenny in 1764, the Water Frame in 1769 and the Spinning Mule in 1779

Glasgow’s spinning mills needed the skilled labour of the handloom weavers of the surrounding villages, such as Kilsyth and Airdrie. These weavers had previously been working mainly linen but were able to adapt to the new material.

The years from 1793 to 1814 were the “halcyon days” in which “the hand-loom weaver was in the enviable position of a man who had something valuable to sell and could make very comfortable terms for himself.” (Hammond and Hammond 1919, p. 18)

Weaving was often done in the homes of the weavers, making it a significant part of the cottage industry. Entire families would be involved in the process, with men typically handling the weaving and women and children assisting with preparation and finishing tasks. Weavers were paid by the piece, which provided the potential for higher earnings based on skill and efficiency.

Handloom weavers were the largest single group of skilled craft workers in the first half of the 19th Century. At the peak around 1810-20, employment for Britain as a whole was close to a quarter million.

Handloom weaving was a skilled occupation, and weavers often had a strong sense of pride in their craft. Weaving communities were known for their tight-knit social structures and cultural contributions. When wages were good, they were able to buy books and engage in various forms of intellectual and cultural activities, producing poetry and engaging in political discourse.

During the “Golden Age” of Scottish handloom weaving experienced significant growth and prosperity, particularly in regions like Glasgow, Paisley, and other parts of the Scottish Lowlands. There was a substantial demand for high-quality textiles, including linens, cottons, silks and woollens. Scottish weavers were known for their skill and craftsmanship, producing intricate patterns and high-quality fabrics. Scotland’s strategic location and access to shipping routes allowed for extensive export of textiles. Glasgow, in particular, became a major centre for textile exportation contributing to the economic growth of the region.

Robert C. Allen, in his paper “The Hand-Loom Weaver and the Power Loom: a Schumpeterian Prespective” argues that it was the very high wages that weavers could command that led to rapid innovation in methods of weaving. He writes:

“The cottage mode of production was an efficient system of producing cloth, but it self-destructed as its expansion after 1780 raised the demand for sector-specific skills, thus providing the incentive for inventors to develop a power technology to replace it. The power loom, in turn, devalued the old skills, so poverty accompanied progress.”

The Decline of the Handloom Weaver

The second and third decades of the 19th Century saw a significant decline in the handloom weaving industry due to the rise of mechanized weaving in factories. New inventions such as Edmund Cartwright’s power loom in 1785, improved in subsequent years, was gradually adopted in Glasgow in the early 19th century. This mechanized loom significantly increased weaving efficiency compared to handlooms. The improvements to James Watt’s steam engine also boosted powered weaving. Although his work was not directly in weaving or spinning, the application of steam power to factories greatly enhanced textile production in Scotland and beyond. Factories in Glasgow began to use steam power extensively, enabling continuous and large-scale production. Steam power allowed for the construction of larger factories with more looms and spindles, further consolidating the shift from small-scale handloom weaving to industrial-scale textile manufacturing. The Jacquard Loom, introduced to Britain in the early 19th century, allowed for the automatic control of warp threads, enabling the production of complex patterned fabrics. This technology was adopted in Glasgow’s weaving industry, allowing for greater variety and intricacy in textile design.

It was the high wages earned by handloom weavers that forced innovation and high wages and good conditions were quickly followed by immiseration as wages collapsed in the 1820s and employment levels followed soon after.

Handloom weavers, who had once been relatively well-paid and respected artisans, faced severe wage reductions and unemployment. A typical weekly income for a handloom weaver fell dramatically, making it difficult to support a family. Many weavers worked from home, where they set up their looms in small, cramped spaces.  Weaving had been a family enterprise, with wives and children assisting in various stages of the production process. Children as young as six or seven might be involved in tasks like winding bobbins or preparing threads, impacting their education and health.

This work, even in the “Golden Age” was hard and took its physical toll on all the members of the family who had supporting functions. The work was highly repetitive and physically demanding, requiring long hours to produce enough fabric to sell. Weavers often had to provide their own tools and maintain their equipment, adding to their financial burdens.

As wages started to fall, though, the aristocracy of the working class became poorer and poorer. Because handloom weaving was a family affair, when wages fell and then employment collapsed the whole family fell into destitution.


The Rise of The Power Loom and Factory Working

The weaving industry in Glasgow experienced significant changes and developments from 1800 onwards. Some of the key developments in the weaving trade were:

  • 1773 Flying Shuttle: John Kay received a patent for his Flying Shuttle in 1733; it was a “wheeled shuttle” that allowed a single weaver to weave much wider fabrics more quickly, significantly increasing productivity The flying shuttle was to create a particular imbalance by doubling weaving productivity without changing the rate at which thread could be spun disrupting spinners and weavers alike.
  • 1764 Spinning Jenny: James Hargreaves. The Spinning Jenny enabled a single worker to spin multiple spools of thread at once, greatly enhancing the efficiency of thread production.
  • 1769 Water Frame: Richard Arkwright’s invention used water power to drive the spinning process, allowing for the production of stronger and finer thread on a large scale.
  • 1779 Spinning Mule: Samuel Crompton The Spinning Mule combined aspects of the spinning jenny and the water frame to produce large quantities of high-quality thread suitable for fine textiles.
  • 1784 Power Loom: Edmund Cartwright’s power loom, invented in 1784 and improved in subsequent years, was gradually adopted in Glasgow in the early 19th century. This mechanized loom significantly increased weaving efficiency compared to handlooms. By the 1820s, Glasgow saw a growing number of weaving factories equipped with power looms, leading to a shift from domestic handloom weaving to factory-based production.
  • 1786 – Steam Power: James Watt, a Scottish inventor, significantly improved the steam engine. While his work was not directly in weaving or spinning, the application of steam power to factories greatly enhanced textile production in Scotland and beyond. Factories in Glasgow began to use steam power extensively, enabling continuous and large-scale production. Steam power allowed for the construction of larger factories with more looms and spindles, further consolidating the shift from small-scale handloom weaving to industrial-scale textile manufacturing.
  • 1801 Jacquard Loom: Introduced to Britain in the early 19th century, the Jacquard loom allowed for the automatic control of warp threads, enabling the production of complex patterned fabrics. This technology was adopted in Glasgow’s weaving industry, allowing for greater variety and intricacy in textile design.
  • 1804 Northrop Loom: James Northrop’s loom included an automatic shuttle-change mechanism, reducing the need for manual intervention and increasing weaving efficiency.
  • Lombe’s Silk Throwing Mill. James Lombe’s mill was built in England but it inspired similar mechanization in Scotland. It was one of the first factories to fully mechanize the production of silk, influencing the broader textile industry.
  • 1825 Self-Acting Mule: Richard Roberts’ self-acting mule, further improved the spinning process by automating much of the work previously done by hand. This led to more consistent and higher-quality yarn production.

These inventions collectively transformed the textile industry, both in Scotland and globally. The innovations in spinning and weaving technology allowed for greater productivity, the production of finer and more complex fabrics, and the eventual rise of factory-based industrial production, leading to significant economic and social changes in Scotland during the late 18th and early 19th centuries. The introduction of steam engines in textile mills revolutionized the weaving industry by providing a reliable and powerful source of energy.

The rise of mechanized weaving led to a decline in demand for handloom weavers. Many skilled artisans found themselves out of work or forced to accept lower wages, leading to economic hardship and social unrest. Some weavers transitioned to factory work as the industry mechanized. However, factory conditions were harsh, with long hours, strict discipline, and often dangerous machinery. Factory jobs were typically low-paid and offered little job security. The shift from small-scale artisanal production to large-scale industrial manufacturing was a major societal transformation, leading to economic displacement and social discontent.

Housing

During the “Golden Age” of handloom weaving, weavers could afford to live in improved housing conditions, some even managing to become small landlords themselves but that was not to last. John Butt notes:

In this period many handloom weavers were building their own houses and loomsheds; within a generation their decline became precipitous, and loomsheds in the housing shortage following 1811 were converted into dwellings for the working classes. Evidence from the house market of the prosperity of the weavers in the late eighteenth century can be garnered from a number of sources. For instance, when the lands of Dowhill, including many small houses, were sold in 1780, it was revealed that most of the tenants were prosperous weavers. The sale of building plots in Tradeston proceeding in 1792 similarly attracted the better paid among this occupational group.

Butt, John, Ch 2 – Housing in “The Working Class in Glasgow 1750-1914” ed R. A. Cage, Routledge 1987 p41

The housing conditions of weavers in Glasgow between 1820 and 1840 were dire. Many weavers lived in crowded and substandard housing conditions, often in tenements that were poorly constructed and maintained. Housing in areas like the East End of Glasgow, where many weavers resided, was particularly cramped, with multiple families often sharing single-room accommodations. Their homes had little space for furniture or personal belongings and the lack of space also meant that personal privacy was minimal. Poor sanitation was common, with limited access to clean water and proper waste disposal systems, contributing to health problems.

John Butt quotes J. C. Symons, ‘Assistant Commissioner on the Condition of Handloom Weavers’ from his report to Parliament.

These districts (the low districts of Glasgow) contain a motley population, consisting in almost all the lower branches of occupation, but chiefly of a community whose sole means of subsistence consists in plunder and prostitution. Under the escort of that vigilant Officer, Captain Miller, the superintendent of the Glasgow Police, I have four times visited these districts, once in the morning and three times at night; I have seen human degradation in some of its worst phases, both in England and abroad, but I can advisedly say, that I did not believe, until I visited the wynds of Glasgow, that so large an amount of filth, crime, misery, and disease existed on one spot in any civilised country. The wynds consist of long lanes, so narrow that a cart could with difficulty pass along them; out of these open the ‘closes’, which are courts about fifteen or twenty feet square, round which the houses, mostly of three storeys high are built; the centre of the court is the dunghill. . . In the lower lodging houses, ten, twelve, and sometimes twenty persons, of both sexes and all ages, sleep promiscuously on the floor in different degrees of nakedness. These places are generally as regards dirt, damp, and decay, such as no person of common humanity would stable his horse in. Many of the worst houses are dilapidated and in a dangerous state, and are condemned by the Dean of Guild Court, a sentence of which the execution appears to be generally postponed, and which renders these abodes doubly desirable to the occupants, as the passing of sentence prevents the levy of rent

Butt, John, Ch 2 – Housing in “The Working Class in Glasgow 1750-1914” ed R. A. Cage, Routledge 1987 p42

Despite the poor quality of the accommodation, rent was a significant burden for weavers, consuming a large portion of their meagre incomes. As wages for handloom weavers declined, affording even substandard housing became increasingly difficult. Many weavers fell into debt trying to pay for housing and basic necessities. Some were forced to take on additional work or rely on charitable assistance.

During the early 19th century, social reformers began to draw attention to the deplorable living conditions of the working class. Efforts to improve housing conditions gained momentum, though significant changes were slow to materialize. Some early legislative efforts were made to address housing and sanitation issues, but meaningful reform did not occur until later in the 19th Century.

Health and Hygiene

Apart from the poor living conditions, access to clean water was limited which meant that residents often had to share a single water source, such as a communal well or pump, which could be contaminated. Sanitary facilities were rudimentary at best. Many tenements lacked indoor plumbing, so waste was often disposed of in communal outhouses or open gutters, contributing to unsanitary living conditions. Combined with inadequate nutrition, these living conditions led to high rates of illness and mortality.

The combination of overcrowding, poor sanitation, and inadequate ventilation made tenement dwellers susceptible to diseases such as cholera, tuberculosis, and typhus. Epidemics were common and could spread rapidly in these conditions.

Respiratory diseases were common due to the dust and fibres inhaled while working, as well as the damp and poorly ventilated living quarters. Weavers’ families often suffered from malnutrition, as meagre earnings could barely cover the cost of basic food supplies.

High infant mortality rates were a tragic reality, driven by malnutrition, infectious diseases, and the overall harsh living environment.

Demography

The period from 1820 to 1840 in Glasgow was marked by significant demographic changes and immigration, driven by industrialization and the economic opportunities it presented. Glasgow’s population grew rapidly due to industrialization. The city’s population, which was around 77,000 in 1801, soared to over 274,000 by 1841. This growth was fuelled by both natural increase and a large influx of migrants. Glasgow’s burgeoning industries, particularly textiles, engineering, and shipbuilding, attracted people from rural areas and other parts of the country seeking employment.

  • Displaced Highlanders: The Highland Clearances, a series of forced evictions in the Scottish Highlands during the 18th and early 19th centuries, drove many Highlanders to seek new lives in urban centres like Glasgow. These migrants often arrived in dire circumstances, having been displaced from their land. Highland immigrants brought with them Gaelic language and traditions, contributing to the cultural diversity of Glasgow.
  • Irish Immigration: Economic difficulties and periodic famines in Ireland, particularly the Great Famine starting in 1845, prompted many Irish people to emigrate. Even before the Great Famine, there was significant Irish migration to Glasgow in the 1820s and 1830s. Irish immigrants provided a vital labour force for Glasgow’s expanding industries and infrastructure projects. They often took on the most labour-intensive and low-paying jobs. Many Irish immigrants settled in areas such as the East End, where they formed tight-knit communities. Overcrowded and poor housing conditions were common in these areas.
  • Rural Scots: Many Scots from rural lowland areas also migrated to Glasgow. This was driven by the decline of traditional agricultural practices and the lure of industrial employment. Migration often occurred in family units, with entire families relocating to take advantage of urban opportunities.

The influx of migrants contributed to a relatively young population. Many of the newcomers were young adults and families with children, which influenced the city’s age structure and labour force dynamics. The birth rate in Glasgow was relatively high, contributing further to population growth. However, infant and child mortality rates were also high due to poor living conditions. The rapid population growth and competition for jobs sometimes led to social tensions and conflicts, particularly between native Scots and Irish immigrants. Prejudices and discrimination were not uncommon, and these tensions occasionally erupted into violence.

Politics

Mutual aid societies and local charities played a crucial role in supporting weavers and their families during times of need. Despite their hardships, many weavers formed tight-knit communities, providing emotional and practical support to one another. However, the economic distress of weavers led to frequent protests and strikes. The formation of early trade unions began during this period, although they were often illegal and faced significant opposition. These organizations laid the groundwork for more structured labour movements in subsequent decades.

In the early nineteenth century, Scottish politics offered power to very few people. Councillors on the Royal Burghs at this time were not elected to their position, rich landowners controlled county government and there were fewer than 3,000 parliamentary electors in the whole of Scotland.

The Radical War

The Napoleonic Wars were effectively ended by the Battle of Waterloo on 22 June 1815 and ratified by The Treaty of Paris on 20 November 1815. This led to years of economic recession.   As the economic situation worsened for many workers, societies sprung up across the country which espoused radical ideas for fundamental change. Inspired by the broader radical movement in the UK, workers in Glasgow sought greater political representation and better working conditions.

In April 1820, a group of radical activists attempted to incite an insurrection known as the “Radical War” or “Scottish Insurrection.”

Based in Central Scotland, artisan workers (such as weavers, shoemakers, blacksmiths), initiated a series of strikes and social unrest during the first week of April 1820. Between 1 and 8 April 1820, across central Scotland, some works stopped, particularly in weaving communities, and radicals attempted to fulfil a call to rise. Several disturbances occurred across the country, perhaps the worst of which was a skirmish at Bonnymuir, Stirlingshire, where a group of about 50 radicals clashed with a patrol of around 30 soldiers.

It was recognised that the key to change was electoral reform, and the events of the American Revolution of 1776 and French Revolution of 1789 helped to promote these ideas. Radical reformers began to seek the universal franchise (for men), annual parliaments, and the repeal of the Act of Union of 1707.

The uprising was quickly suppressed by government forces, and many of the leaders were arrested, tried, and transported or executed. The failure of the Radical War did not quash the desire for reform but rather highlighted the extent of popular discontent and the need for change.

The Chartist Movement

Many weavers were active in the Chartist movement, advocating for political reforms including the right to vote for working-class men, better representation, and improved labour laws. This political activism reflected a broader struggle for social and economic justice among the working class. The seeds of the Chartist movement, which would become prominent in the 1830s and 1840s, were planted during this period. Chartism emerged from the discontent of the working class with the limited scope of the 1832 Reform Act.

Select Committee on the Hand-Loom Weavers (1834)

The Select Committee on the Hand-Loom Weavers, established in 1834, was a significant parliamentary inquiry aimed at investigating the severe economic distress and declining conditions of handloom weavers in the United Kingdom, including those in Glasgow and other parts of Scotland. The handloom weaving industry, once a thriving sector, faced a dramatic decline with the advent of power looms and factory-based textile production during the Industrial Revolution. The introduction of these technologies significantly increased textile production but also led to a steep reduction in the demand for handwoven goods. This resulted in unemployment, wage reductions, and poverty among handloom weavers.

The Select Committee on the Hand-Loom Weavers was formed to (1) Investigate the conditions and grievances of the handloom weavers, (2) Understand the economic and social impacts of industrialization on this traditional craft and (3) Explore possible measures to alleviate the hardships faced by the weavers.

The committee found that

Economic Hardship

  • Wage Decline: The committee found that wages for handloom weavers had dramatically declined, making it difficult for them to earn a living. In many cases, wages were below subsistence levels.
  • Unemployment: The mechanization of weaving led to widespread unemployment among handloom weavers, exacerbating their economic woes.

Living Conditions

  • Poverty: Many weavers lived in dire poverty, unable to afford basic necessities such as food, clothing, and shelter. The committee noted that this poverty was not due to a lack of skill or effort but rather to structural changes in the economy.
  • Housing: Weavers often lived in overcrowded and unsanitary conditions, which contributed to poor health and a high incidence of disease.

Health and Well-being

  • Health Problems: The physical demands of weaving, coupled with poor living conditions and inadequate nutrition, led to significant health problems among weavers.
  • Mental Distress: The economic uncertainty and inability to provide for their families also caused considerable mental distress among weavers.

Social and Political Impact

  • Strikes and Protests: The committee noted that the economic distress among weavers led to frequent strikes and protests. These actions were desperate attempts to secure better wages and working conditions.
  • Calls for Reform: There were widespread calls for governmental and societal reforms to address the plight of the weavers.

The Select Committee made several recommendations aimed at alleviating the distress of handloom weavers:

Recommendations

The Select Committee made several recommendations aimed at alleviating the distress of handloom weavers:

  1. Wage Regulation: Suggested implementing measures to regulate wages and ensure fair compensation for weavers.
  2. Employment Support: Proposed initiatives to provide alternative employment opportunities for displaced weavers, such as retraining programs and employment in other sectors.
  3. Social Support: Recommended improvements in social support systems, including housing, healthcare, and education, to improve the overall well-being of weavers and their families.
  4. Economic Policies: Encouraged the government to consider economic policies that would support traditional crafts and prevent the complete collapse of the handloom weaving industry.

Resources Used In Research

Books

Robert C. Allen, in his paper “The Hand-Loom Weaver and the Power Loom: a Schumpeterian Prespective” in “Discussion Papers in Economic and Social History Number 142”, University of Oxford 2016

Murray, Norman, “The Scottish Handloom Weavers 1790-1850 – A Social History”, John Donald Publishers, Edinburgh (1978) 

The Working Class in Glasgow 1750-1914” ed R. A. Cage, Routledge 1987

Online

North Lanarkshire Council Spinning and Weaving

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